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When dozens of leftwing politicians lined up for a photo last week to mark the launch of a new alliance for France’s snap elections, there was one notable absence: populist far-left firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon.
上週，當數十名左翼政治家列隊合影，慶祝法國提前大選成立的新聯盟時，有一個明顯的缺席者：民粹主義極左派旗手讓-呂克•梅朗雄(Jean-Luc Mélenchon)。
By remaining in the shadows, Mélenchon — who has long been the left’s standard-bearer but divides leftist colleagues as much as he does the country — may have been trying to ensure the coalition’s unity.
梅朗雄長期以來一直是左翼的旗手，但他給左翼同僚造成的分裂不亞於他對整個國家所造成的，他位於幕後，可能是爲了確保聯盟的團結。
“This is the new generation of the left,” Raphaël Glucksmann, a centre-left EU lawmaker whose party is part of the new alliance, said approvingly when asked about the 72-year-old Mélenchon’s no-show.
「這是新一代的左派，」歐盟中左翼議員拉斐爾•格盧克斯曼(Raphaël Glucksmann)讚許地說道，他所在的政黨是這個新聯盟的一部分。當被問及72歲的讓-呂克•梅朗雄爲何沒露面時，他這樣回答。
But hours later on Friday, the leader of the far-left La France Insoumise (France Unbowed, or LFI) party, the largest member of the new alliance, reminded everybody that he remains a force to be reckoned with — and a tyrannical one at that.
但是在星期五的幾個小時後，新聯盟中最大的成員——極左翼的不屈法國(La France Insoumise)的領導人提醒大家，他仍然是一個不可忽視的力量，而且是一股專橫的力量。
Mélenchon carried out a late-night purge, striking off senior colleagues who had previously criticised his extreme positions and inflammatory tirades from LFI’s list of candidates.
梅朗雄在深夜進行了一次大清洗，把以前批評他的極端立場和煽動性長篇大論的資深同事從不屈法國的候選人名單上除名。
“Candidacies for life do not exist,” Mélenchon said later, adding the “loyalty and political coherence” of his parliamentary group were essential.
梅朗雄後來說：「終身候選人是不存在的，」他補充說，他的議會黨團的「忠誠和政治一致性」至關重要。
Friday’s purge was an extraordinarily provocative step, coming on the very day the leftwing parties formally launched the New Popular Front, invoking the unity spirit of the original one under Léon Blum in 1936, when the left came together to thwart a far-right takeover of France. Several of those excluded by Mélenchon had been strong proponents of such an alliance.
週五的清洗是一個極具挑釁性的舉動，就在同一天，左翼政黨正式成立了新人民陣線，喚起了1936年萊昂•布盧姆領導下的最初人民陣線的團結精神，當時左翼政黨團結一致，挫敗了極右翼勢力對法國的接管。被梅朗雄排除在外的人中有幾位曾是這一聯盟的堅定支持者。
Their ousting triggered a furious backlash from LFI figures, with several denouncing Mélenchon’s autocratic manner.
他們的被驅逐引發了不屈法國人士的憤怒反擊，其中一些人譴責梅朗雄的專斷方式。
“The leadership of France Insoumise, far from rising to the occasion, is stooping to the worst schemes,” François Ruffin, a dissident LFI MP wrote on social media site X. “Let’s not kid ourselves: you cannot, for country, aspire to peace and democracy, and for party, a reign of fear and brutality.”
持不同政見的自由黨議員弗朗索瓦•魯芬(franois Ruffin)在社群媒體網站X上寫道，「不屈法國的領導層非但沒有奮起應對，反而陷入最糟糕的陰謀。我們不要自欺欺人了：你不可能面對國家渴望和平與民主，而面對政黨又實行恐懼和殘暴的統治。」
The NPF — inspired by a determination to beat Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National — is a critical development in the run-up to the elections on June 30 and July 7. It could make it much harder for candidates for President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist alliance to qualify for second round run-offs.
新人民陣線是6月30日和7月7日選舉前夕的一個關鍵進展，該黨的成立來自擊敗瑪麗娜•勒龐(Marine Le Pen)領導的國民聯盟(Rassemblement National)的決心。這可能會使總統埃馬紐埃爾•馬克宏(Emmanuel Macron)的中間派聯盟的候選人更難進入第二輪決選。
But the success of the pact could hinge on how Mélenchon behaves during the campaign, including whether he will lay claim to the role of prime minister, a troubling prospect for the other leftwing parties and many voters.
但該協議的成功與否可能取決於梅朗雄在競選期間的表現，包括他是否會要求擔任總理，這對其他左翼政黨和許多選民來說是一個令人不安的前景。
A former Trotskyist who served as a junior education minister in a socialist government from 2000-2 before turning to the Eurosceptic hard left, Mélenchon has long had a reputation as a political bruiser with a volcanic temper.
梅朗雄曾是托洛茨基主義者，2000-2002年在社會主義政府中擔任初級教育部長，之後轉而投向懷疑歐洲的強硬左派，長期以來一直以脾氣暴躁的政治鬥士著稱。
In one infamous moment in 2018, he angrily confronted an investigator who came to search his offices during a campaign funding probe, screaming into the man’s face: “La République, c’est moi!”, the equivalent of “I am the law!”
在2018年的一次臭名昭著的事件中，他憤怒地與一名在競選資金調查期間前來搜查他辦公室的調查員對峙，對著那人的臉大喊大叫： 「La République, c』est moi！」，相當於「我就是法律！」
Although Mélenchon has a committed far-left following, some demonstrators marching against the far right in Paris on Saturday saw him as a liability.
雖然梅朗雄擁有一批堅定的極左派追隨者，但週六在巴黎舉行的反對極右派遊行中，一些示威者認爲他是個累贅。
“The goal is to stop the division of France, and Mélenchon divides it, unfortunately,” said Alex Assouad, a 23-year-old from the Paris region.
來自巴黎大區的23歲青年亞歷克斯•阿蘇阿德(Alex Assouad)說：「我們的目標是阻止法國分裂，不幸的是，梅朗雄分裂了法國。」
“He has the right ideas but the wrong method,” said Kevin Bartoume, 38, an IT engineer from the capital’s suburbs.
「他的想法是對的，但方法是錯的，」38歲的凱文•巴圖姆(Kevin Bartoume)說，他是一名IT工程師，來自首都郊區。
A gifted orator and debater, Mélenchon is the most successful recent vote-winner for the left. He won 22 per cent in the first round of the 2022 presidential election, coming third, just behind Le Pen.
梅朗雄是一位才華橫溢的演說家和辯論家，是左翼近期最成功的得票者。他在2022年第一輪總統選舉中贏得了22%的選票，排名第三，僅次於勒龐。
That success, way ahead of the Socialist candidate’s 1.8 per cent, gave him and LFI the upper hand among leftist parties when they went on to form an alliance known as Nupes that lasted just over a year.
這一成功遠遠超過了社會黨候選人1.8%的得票率，使他和不屈法國在左派政黨中佔據了上風，他們隨後組成了一個名爲「生態和社會人民新聯盟」的聯盟，該聯盟只持續了一年多。
“He is a key figure, someone who has proved himself in the most challenging election in the French system, the presidential election,” said Bruno Cautrès, researcher at Sciences Po university. “He gave the left a future with the creation of Nupes, but in the end he was not able to manage the different people and temperaments within it.”
巴黎政治學院研究員布魯諾•考特雷斯(Bruno Cautrès)說：「他是一個關鍵人物，他在法國制度中最具挑戰性的選舉，總統選舉中證明了自己。他成立了生態和社會人民新聯盟，給左翼帶來了未來，但最終他沒能管理好左翼內部不同的人和脾氣"。
The first episode to fracture the Nupes was Mélenchon’s support for Adrien Quatennens, a close lieutenant, despite his admission that he had hit his wife. There were also fights over Mélenchon’s lukewarm support for Ukraine after Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.
導致生態和社會人民新聯盟分裂的第一個事件是梅朗雄支援親信阿德里安•夸特南斯(Adrien Quatennens)，儘管後者承認自己打過妻子。2022年2月俄羅斯全面入侵烏克蘭後，梅朗雄對烏克蘭的支援冷淡，這也引發了爭吵。
The final breakdown came last year over Mélenchon’s refusal to condemn the October 7 attack on Israel by Hamas and downplaying of antisemitic incidents, stances that reflected both his revolutionary zeal and strategy of rallying Muslim voters.
最終的分裂是在去年，梅朗雄拒絕譴責哈馬斯10月7日對以色列的襲擊，並淡化反猶太事件，這反映了他的革命熱情和拉攏穆斯林選民的策略。
Meanwhile, sloppily dressed LFI MPs hurling abuse at opponents have disrupted the National Assembly. Their conduct has lent weight to critics’ claims that Mélenchon, who guides his troops from outside the chamber, is a demagogue not committed to parliamentary democracy.
與此同時，衣著邋遢、辱罵反對者的不屈法國議員擾亂了國民議會。批評者認爲，梅朗雄在議會外指揮他的部隊，是一個不致力於議會民主的煽動者。
The MPs’ approach also contrasted with Le Pen’s attempts to present the RN as a responsible party of government, epitomised by her so-called “necktie strategy”, an instruction to her MPs to dress smartly.
其議員們的做法也與勒龐試圖將國民陣線塑造成一個負責任的政府黨派形成鮮明對比，她所謂的「領帶戰略」就是一個縮影，該戰略指示她的議員們著裝得體。
“We have certainly seen the normalisation of Marine Le Pen since 2022,” said Cautrès. “Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s strategy meanwhile has been to take a much more radical stance.”
考特雷斯說：「自2022年以來，我們確實看到了瑪麗娜•勒龐的正常化。與此同時，讓-呂克•梅朗雄的策略則是採取更爲激進的立場。」
The public sees Mélenchon as a more polarising, less professional and less presidential than his far-right rival, according to an Ifop poll last year.
根據Ifop去年的一項民意調查，公衆認爲梅朗雄比他的極右翼對手更兩極分化、更不專業、更缺乏總統風範。
With LFI’s support shrinking to 10 per cent in European parliament elections on June 9 and the centre-left party led by Glucksmann winning 14 per cent, the power balance has shifted.
在6月9日的歐洲議會選舉中，不屈法國的支援率縮水至10%，而格盧克斯曼領導的中左翼政黨贏得了14%的支援率，權力平衡發生了變化。
Under the terms of their new alliance, the centre-left will contest 100 more seats than at elections two years ago, although LFI is still running the most candidates of the NPF members.
根據他們新的聯盟條款，中左翼將爭取比兩年前選舉時多100個席位，儘管不屈法國仍然是新人民陣線成員中候選人最多的。
The far left has made policy concessions. The NPF has adopted a radical programme with vast spending commitments, but LFI’s policy of reducing the pension age to 60 at a cost of €71.5bn a year is listed only as a “goal”. The NPF also committed to supporting Ukraine and denounced the Hamas attack on Israel as terrorism.
極左派在政策上做出了讓步。新人民陣線透過了一項激進的計劃，承諾大量開支，但不屈法國將養老金領取年齡降至60歲、每年耗資715億歐元的政策僅被列爲「目標」。新人民陣線還承諾支援烏克蘭，並譴責哈馬斯對以色列的襲擊是恐怖主義行爲。
Even Mélenchon’s allies say a more consensual approach is needed to maintain unity.
就連梅朗雄的盟友也表示，要保持團結，需要採取更加協商一致的方式。
“The campaign will undoubtedly be all the more collective,” said Manon Aubry, who leads LFI in the European parliament. She said the party would “propose not impose” its choice of prime minister if the left won.
不屈法國在歐洲議會的領導人馬農•奧布里(Manon Aubry)表示：「這場競選無疑將更加集體性。」她說，如果左翼獲勝，該黨將「建議而非強制」其總理人選。
Mélenchon himself signalled a partial retreat on Sunday, when his protégé Quatennens withdrew his candidacy. “I don’t want to be a problem. All our efforts must be for the victory of the NPF,” the party leader told France 3 television.
梅朗雄本人在週日也發出了部分退縮的信號，他的門徒夸特南斯退出了競選。該黨領導人在接受 France 3電視臺採訪時表示：「我不想成爲一個問題。我們所有的努力都必須是爲了新人民陣線的勝利。
Philippe Marlière, professor of French politics at University College London, said it was “very clear that his party now understands that if the New Popular Front is to be successful and remain united during this campaign, Mélenchon should keep quiet and that’s a complete difference with 2022.”
倫敦大學學院法國政治學教授菲利普•馬利埃爾(Philippe Marlière)說：「非常明顯的是，他的政黨現在明白，如果新人民陣線要在這次競選中取得成功並保持團結，梅朗雄就應該保持沉默，這與2022年的情況完全不同。」
Additional reporting by Leila Abboud in Paris
Leila Abboud巴黎補充報導