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FT大視野

Big Read: Cambodia and China
在柬埔寨「呼風喚雨」的中國商人

付憲亭在中國商界默默無聞,但在金邊,他或許是最具影響力的中國商人,很少有外國投資者能享有他所掌握的人脈。

In Cambodia』s Chinese business community, 「Big Brother Fu」 is a name to be reckoned with. A former officer in China』s People』s Liberation Army, his thickset build and parade-ground voice reinforce the authority suggested by his nickname. But his physical bearing pales next to the heft of his political connections. Few, if any, foreign investors in this small but strategically important Southeast Asian nation enjoy access as favoured as that of Fu Xianting.

在柬埔寨的華人商界中,「付大哥」是一個不容忽視的名字。身為前中國人民解放軍軍官,他魁梧的身材和洪亮的聲音強化了他的綽號所暗示的權威。但他的身材與他所掌握的政治人脈的份量相比就相形見絀了。在這個面積很小、卻具有重要戰略意義的東南亞國家,很少有外國投資者享有付憲亭所掌握的有利人脈。

At state events, Mr Fu wears an official red sash studded with gold insignia, attire that hints at his ties to Hun Sen, Cambodia』s authoritarian ruler. So close is Mr Fu to the prime minister that the leader of his personal bodyguard unit, some of whose members have been convicted of savage assaults on opposition lawmakers, calls him 「a brother」 and has pledged to 「create a safe passage for all of Mr Fu』s endeavours」.

在柬埔寨的政府活動中,付憲亭佩戴別有金徽章的正式紅綬帶,這一著裝暗示出他與柬埔寨獨裁統治者洪森(Hun Sen)之間的關係。付憲亭與洪森關係非常密切,以至於洪森個人的保鏢局(其中多名成員都曾因攻擊反對派議員而被定罪)的局長稱呼付憲亭為「兄弟」,並承諾將「為付憲亭的所有事業創造一條安全通道」。

These connections have helped Mr Fu and his company, Unite International, win a rare concession to develop one of the most beautiful stretches of Cambodia』s coastline into a $5.7bn tourist destination. More broadly, they signal how big money, secret dealings and high-level backing from China』s Communist party have helped pull Phnom Penh firmly into Beijing』s sphere of influence.

這些人脈關係幫助付憲亭和他的公司共發國際(Unite International)獲得了罕有的特許權,獲準將柬埔寨海岸線上最美麗的海灘之一開發成一個57億美元的旅遊景區。在更大的層面上,這些關係體現出巨額資金、秘密交易和中共高層的支持如何將金邊牢牢地拉入北京的勢力範圍內。

As China has sought to assert its authority in the South China Searegion , some Southeast Asian nations have bolstered their ties with the US, including Vietnam and the Philippines. Cambodia is China』s staunchest counterweight, giving the country of 15m people an outsized role in one of the world』s most fraught geopolitical tussles. With an effective veto in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the region』s top diplomatic grouping, Cambodia has a powerful weapon to wield on China』s behalf.

在中國試圖在南中國海上維護自身權威的同時,一些東南亞國家加強了與美國的關係,包括越南和菲律賓。作為中國最忠實的夥伴,柬埔寨起到了制衡的作用,這使這個只有1500萬人口的國家在世界上最複雜的地緣政治角力之一中擔當了格外重要的角色。柬埔寨在該地區最大的外交組織東盟(ASEAN)中擁有事實上的否決權,因此能夠代中國揮舞這個武器。

Mr Fu』s story shows how private Chinese companies, backed by Beijing』s diplomatic resources and the unrivalled muscle of its state-run banks, are spearheading a commercial engagement that helps form the foundation for China』s political and strategic ambitions.

付憲亭的故事表明,在北京方面的外交資源和中國國有銀行無與匹敵的財力支持下,中國私企正帶頭推動商業往來,這些商業往來幫助奠定了中國的政治和戰略雄心基礎。

「In terms of money, China is the number one,」 says Phay Siphan, Cambodia』s minister of state within the council of ministers. 「The power of China is getting much bigger . . . we choose China because [its investment] does not come with conditions.」

「A number of western investments come with attachments,」 he adds. 「[They say] we have to be good in democracy. We have to be good in human rights. But in Cambodia we went through a civil war and we understand that if you have no food in your stomach, you cannot have human rights.」

「在資金方面,中國是第一,」柬埔寨部長理事會的國務秘書派西潘(Phay Siphan)說,「中國的實力正大大增強……我們選擇中國,因為(中國的投資)是不附加條件的。」

However, An investigation by the Financial Times reveals the favoured treatment that Chinese companies have won from Cambodia』s leadership, resulting in the award of land that far exceeded legal size limits, the apparent overriding of a state decree for the benefit of a Chinese investor and official support against the protests of thousands of dispossessed farmers.

「許多西方的投資是附帶條件的,」他補充道,「(他們說)我們必須在民主方面表現良好。我們必須在人權方面表現良好。但在柬埔寨,我們經歷了一場內戰,我們明白,如果你的肚子空空,你就不可能有人權。」

An , judging by (??) an analysis of state documents shows that in obtained by the FTseveral cases, controversial Chinese investments were facilitated personally by Mr Hun Sen, a ruler of 31 years who insists on being referred to as 「Lord Prime Minister and Supreme Military Commander」. Global Witness, the UK campaign group, claimed in a report this year that the Cambodian leader presides over a 「huge network of secret dealmaking and nepotism」 that has allowed his e prime minister』sfamily to amass stakes in leading industries and help 「secure the prime minister』s political fortress」.

英國《金融時報》的一項調查顯示,中國企業贏得的優待來自柬埔寨的領導層,因此這些企業能夠獲得遠遠超出法律限定面積的土地,出現了為中國投資者之利而無視一項國家法令的行為,柬埔寨官方在面對失地農民的抗議時也支持中國投資者。

Cambodia』s government has accused Global Witness of having an agenda and refused to comment on its allegations. Mr Phay Siphan did not reply to repeated phone calls and emails about the Global Witness report.

對政府文件的分析表明,有幾次中國的投資是洪森個人促成的。這位手掌權力31年的統治者堅持讓人們稱他為「親王首相兼最高軍事指揮官」。英國活動組織「全球見證」(Global Witness)在今年的一份報告中斷言,這位柬埔寨領導人統領著「龐大的秘密交易和裙帶關係網」,這讓他的家族能夠在主要的行業中積聚利益,幫助「鞏固首相的政治堡壘」。

Mr Hun Sen』s personal assistance was crucial in providing Mr Fu, 67, with his early break. A letter written in October 2009 by the prime minister wishes Mr Fu 「complete success」 in developing a 33 suareq km ilometre area of coastal land on a 99-year lease — even though some of the land fell within a protected national park. The prime minister also set up a special committee with representatives from seven ministries to assist with the project』s execution. of the project.

柬埔寨政府指責「全球見證」別有用心,拒絕對其指控置評。派西潘沒有回復記者針對「全球見證」報告的多次致電和電子郵件。

「I express my personal thanks and support for your company to carry out this tourism project,」 Mr Hun Sen wrote in the letter, a copy of which was seen of which was obtained by the FT, seen by the FT. It The letter wasis dated nine months after Mr Fu』s company U nite International, had donated 220 motorbikes to Mr Hun Sen』s bodyguard unit, a 3,000-strong private army equipped with armoured personnel carriers, missile launchers and Chinese-made machine guns. The gift, according to the Chinese company, was the latest in a series of donations to the unit, which is charged with guarding the prime minister and his wife, Bun Rany, officially known as the 「Most Glorious and Upright Person of Genius」.

現年67歲的付憲亭取得的初期突破中,洪森個人提供的幫助十分關鍵。2009年10月洪森致信付憲亭,祝他開發一塊33平方公里、租期99年的濱海土地取得「圓滿成功」——即使這塊土地的一部分已經在一個受保護的國家公園範圍內了。洪森還成立了一個由7個部的代表組成的特別委員會,來幫助這個項目推進。

At a ceremony to present the motorbikes, Sok An, a deputy prime minister, was photographed making a speech in appreciation of Mr Fu.

「我在此對貴公司開發這一旅遊項目表達我個人的感謝和支持,」洪森在信中寫道。英國《金融時報》看到了這封信。這封信的日期是付憲亭的公司向洪森保鏢局捐贈220輛摩托車9個月後,洪森保鏢局是一支由3000多人組成的私人軍隊,配備裝甲運兵車、導彈發射器和中國製造的重機槍。這份贈禮是該局收到的一系列捐贈的最新一例。洪森保鏢局的任務是保護洪森及其夫人文拉妮(Bun Rany),這位柬埔寨第一夫人被官方稱為「最榮耀和最正直的學者」。

『Our brother of many years』

「多年的兄弟」

In an account of the ceremony at which the to present the motorbikes were presented — published on the Chinese company』s website — Sok An, a deputy prime minister, was quoted as 「thanking the Unite Group for this gift of 220 motorbikes and several previous donations of material assistance to Hun Sen』s bodyguard . . . which have fulfilled the duty of donation to the royal government」.

一篇描述摩托車贈送儀式的文章(發表在該中國公司的網站上)援引柬埔寨副首相索安(Sok An)的話稱「感謝共發集團贈送的220輛摩托車和之前對洪森保鏢局的多次物質援助……完成了向王室政府的捐贈義務。」

Building on this foundation, Unite formed a 「military-commercial alliance」 with the bodyguard unit in April 2010, a highly unusual accolade arrangement for a foreign company in Cambodia. At a ceremony to celebrate the alliance, Lieutenant General Hing Bunheang, commander of the bodyguards and one of Hun Sen』s closest associates, showered praise on Mr Fu.

2010年4月,共發國際與保鏢局組成了一個「軍商聯盟」,對於在柬埔寨的外國公司而言,這是一種極為不尋常的安排。在慶祝這個聯盟成立的儀式上,保鏢局局長、洪森最親密的盟友之一陸軍中將Hing Bunheang對付憲亭讚譽有加。

「Mr Fu is our brother of many years who has made an outstanding contribution to the development of Cambodia,」 Lt Gen Hing Bunheang is heard saying on a video, according to a Chinese voiceover. 「Mr Fu』s business is our business. We will create a safe passage for all of Mr Fu』s endeavours.」

「付憲亭是我們多年的兄弟,他對柬埔寨的發展做出了傑出的貢獻,」Hing Bunheang中將在一則有中文配音的視頻中說道,「付憲亭的事就是我們的事。我們將為付憲亭的所有事業創造一條安全通道。」

Such accolades represented a high point in Mr Fu』s business career, which has seen him move from at least a decade in the People』s Liberation Army to a position as manager and chairman of Chinese state-owned enterprises, company documents say. His business dealings in Cambodia began in the early 1990s when he organised an exhibition of Chinese agricultural machinery. He holds an officiala position in Beijing on a committee of the China Association of International Friendly Contact, which reports to the foreign ministry. But his business profile inside China appears almost non-existent, with corporate databases showing only a role as 「legal representative」 of Beijing Tian Yi Hua Sheng Technology, a company with only just Rmb2m ($300,000) in registered capital.

這些讚譽代表著付憲亭事業的高潮,根據公司文件,他至少曾從軍10年,而後成為中國國有企業的經理和董事長。他在柬埔寨的事業起源於上世紀90年代初,當時他組織了一次中國農業機械展。他在北京中國國際友好聯絡會(China Association of International Friendly Contact)一委員會任職,該聯絡會向中國外交部報告。但他在中國國內商界幾乎默默無聞,公司數據庫顯示,他只擔任北京添屹華盛科貿有限公司(Beijing Tian Yi Hua Sheng Technology)的「法定代表人」,這家公司的註冊資本只有200萬元人民幣(合30萬美元)。

In Phnom Penh, though, Mr Fu is probably China』s most influential businessperson, an official adviser to Hun Sen and the recipient of high Cambodian state and military honours. But notwithstanding these gold-plated connections, Mr Fu』s investment in Cambodia has proven controversial.

然而,在金邊,付憲亭或許是中國最具影響力的商人,他是洪森的官方顧問,曾獲得各種政府和軍隊榮譽。然而,儘管有著深厚的人脈,但事實證明他在柬埔寨的投資一直受到爭議。

Environmental groups protested that the Chinese company had been able to secure land inside the Ream National Park, which was protected from development under a royal decree. Licadho, a Cambodian human rights group, complained that hundreds of farming families were evicted from their homes. Villagers staged protests to hamper the Chinese company』s work.

環境組織抗議稱,這家中國公司成功獲得雲壤國家公園(Ream National Park)內的土地,而根據皇家法令,這個公園受到保護不準開發。柬埔寨人權組織Licadho抱怨稱,數百家農戶被趕出家園。村民發動抗議,阻礙這家中國公司的工作。

In May 2010, a decree from the Council of Ministers revoked licences held by Mr Fu』s company for the development of the Golden Silver Gulf, the name of his proposed resort, according to a copy of the decree obtained by the FT. The document passed responsibility for the area over to the environment and although news on the project lapsed ministry, but it remains unclear whether development work was ever actually halted.

根據英國《金融時報》獲得的一份指令副本,2010年5月,柬埔寨部長理事會下令撤銷了付憲亭旗下公司在他擬開發的金銀灣(Golden Silver Gulf)度假區的開發許可。這份文件將該地區的管理責任移交給環境部,但現在仍不清楚開發工作是否已真正停止。

Contacted by phone and email, Mr Fu declined to comment on the decree revoking his licences but said the approvals he won from Mr Hun Sen』s government had been secured because of his reputation as a trusted businessman in Cambodia and had nothing to do with his 「military-commercial alliance」 with the bodyguard unit.

記者通過電話和電子郵件聯繫了付憲亭,請求他對柬埔寨政府下令撤銷其許可證一事置評。付憲亭雖拒絕回應,但表示他之前之所以能從洪森政府贏得許可,是因為他在柬埔寨是有名的誠信商人,而與他和洪森保鏢局的「軍商聯盟」毫無關係。

Early this year, Mr Fu re-emerged eThis year, once again stepped into the limelight. Awhen a subsidiary of Unite International, Yeejia Tourism, announced several deals new business agreements relating to the project, signalling a resumption of activity. Asked how the Chinese company had been able to overcome the decree revoking its land concession, Sao Sopheap, a spokesman for the environment ministry, said would only say at a news conference Yeejia had all the necessary licences and was free to go ahead to proceed.

今年共發國際子公司宜佳旅遊(Yeejia Tourism)宣布達成數筆與該項目相關交易,表明開發活動已恢復。

Warming relations  

升溫的兩國關係

Mr Hun Sen has not always been pro-China. He once labelled it the 「root of everything that is evil」 because of Beijing』s support for the genocidal Khmer Rouge, which killed an estimated 1.7m Cambodians in the 1970s.

洪森並不是一直傾向中國的。由於北京方面對紅色高棉(Khmer Roug)政權的支持,他曾稱中國是「一切罪惡的根源」。上世紀70年代,紅色高棉大屠殺估計造成170萬柬埔寨人死亡。

But over the past 15 years, the Cambodian leader has gradually become China』s most reliable supporter in Southeast Asia, presiding over the sale of his country』s choicest assets to Chinese companies, forging closer military links and praising Beijing as a 「most trustworthy friend」.

但過去15年里,這位柬埔寨領導人已成為中國在東南亞最可靠的支持者,在他的主持下,柬埔寨向中國公司出售了一些最優質的資產,並與北京方面締結了軍事聯繫,他還稱讚中國政府是「最值得信賴的朋友」。

This elevation of China in Phnom Penh』s affections has at times translated into a cold shoulder to the US, as President Barack Obama found out during an East Asian summit in Phnom Penh in 2012. As the first sitting US president to visit Cambodia approached the government building, he saw two large banners proclaiming: 「Long Live the People』s Republic of China」.

提升與中國的關係,有時就變成了對美國的冷遇,比如美國總統巴拉克•奧巴馬(Barack Obama)在2012年金邊舉行的一次東亞峰會上就感受到了。作為第一位在職期間訪問柬埔寨的美國總統,奧巴馬走近政府大樓時看到兩條巨大的橫幅:「中華人民共和國萬歲」。

In the 20 years from 1992, when the west started to Western nations were engage in building democracy in Cambodia, donor nations delivered some $12bn in loans and grants — a large portion of which was never spent on development but went instead to pay the salaries of expensive consultants, according to Sebastian Strangio, author of Hun Sen』s Cambodia , a book published in 2014.

西方國家從1992年起參與柬埔寨民主建設,20年來這些捐贈國提供了約120億美元貸款和援助。據《洪森的柬埔寨》(Hun Sen』s Cambodia)作者塞巴斯蒂安•斯特蘭焦(Sebastian Strangio)表示,其中一大部分並沒有花在發展上,而是支付了昂貴的顧問費。

By contrast, China has invested an estimated total of $9.6bn in the decade to 2013; and about a further $13bn is yet to come, according to the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, a think-tank in Phnom Penh.

與之相比,中國在至2013年的十年間向柬埔寨投入了96億美元,而且據智庫柬埔寨合作與和平研究所(Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace)的資料,中國還將進一步投入130億美元。

But China』s magnetism is not confined to its investment firepower. Chinese companies, backed by the China Development Bank and other powerful institutions, have a reputation for delivering crucial infrastructure projects quickly and without delays caused by human rights and environmental objections.  

不過,中國的吸引力不僅局限於其投資實力。在中國國家開發銀行(China Development Bank)和其他強大機構支持下,中國企業建立起了一種聲譽,即能快速交付重要基礎設施項目,不會因人權和環境方面的反對而延遲。

An example is the $800m Lower Sesan 2 dam which is being built being built in northeastern Cambodia by HydroLancang, a state-owned Chinese company. The 400MW dam has been hit by persistent protests from thousands of villagers who are set to be displaced or lose their livelihoods, but HydroLancang has not taken a backward step and it remains on schedule for completion in 2019.

比如由中國國企雲南華能瀾滄江水電有限公司(HydroLancang)承建的價值8億美元的塞桑河下游2號大壩(Lower Sesan 2)項目。由於面臨流離失所、失去生計來源等問題,當地數千村民對這個裝機容量400兆瓦的水電站進行了多次抗議,令大壩建設受到嚴重影響,但該項目仍定於2019年完工。

The secrecy with which Chinese companies often operate matches the proclivities of Mr Hun Sen』s trusted elite, helping the firms to win a lion』s share of land concessions granted to foreigners by the Cambodian government. Of some 8m hectares (80,000 sq km) granted to companies between 1994 and 2012, nearly 60 per cent or 4.6m ha — an area larger than the Netherlands — went to Chinese interests, according to estimates by the Cambodia Centre for Human Rights, a group funded mostly by western donors.

據柬埔寨人權中心(Cambodia Centre for Human Rights)估計,1994年至2012年間約有800萬公頃(8萬平方公里)土地授權給了企業,其中近60%——460萬公頃,比荷蘭國土面積還大——給了中國企業。柬埔寨人權中心主要由西方捐贈者資助。

In addition to Mr Fu』s tourism project, aA blend of secrecy and elite contacts is evident in two other large Chinese investments that were enabled by Mr decrees from Hun Sen and his executive, according to copies of the decrees. One involved a 360 sq km land concession for a $3.8bn investment by Union Development Group, a subsidiary of the Wanlong Group, a large Chinese property developer in the northern Chinese city of Tianjin. The other was a 430 sq km concession for a $1bn investment by Heng Fu Sugar, one of China』s largest sugar producers, based in the southern province of Guangdong. The combined size of these concessions is larger than Phnom Penh, the capital.

這些授權指令的副本顯示,在洪森及其官員放行的另外兩個中國大型投資項目中,也存在明顯的秘密交易和精英人脈。這兩個項目一個是優聯投資發展集團(Union Development Group)投資38億美元獲得360平方公里的土地特許權。優聯是天津大型房地產開發商萬隆集團(Wanlong Group)旗下子公司。另一個是總部位於廣東省的恆福糖業(Heng Fu Sugar)投資10億美元獲得430平方公里的土地特許權。恆福糖業是中國最大的糖生產商之一。這些土地加起來比柬埔寨首都金邊的面積都大。

Both investments have triggered waves of protests by displaced farmers and both exceeded the 100 sq km legal limit on concessions to any one single company. Heng Fu Sugar, however, skirted this law by setting up five separate companies to each receive a contiguous land concession slightly smaller than the legal limit, according to concession documents.

這兩個投資項目引發了失地農民的抗議潮,而且都違反了柬埔寨相關法律規定,即任何一家公司最多只能獲得100平方公里的土地特許權。然而,特許權文件顯示,恆福糖業設立了5家獨立的公司,每家公司獲得略低於法律限制的相鄰土地的特許權,從而規避了限制。

Although each of the five companies carries a different name — Heng Rui, Heng Yue, Heng Non, Rui Feng and Lan Feng — company executives acknowledged they are in fact all owned by Heng Fu Sugar. Tan Jiangxia, the company』s representative on the plantation in the central province of Preah Vihear, explained how the company avoided the restriction. 「This is related to a clause in the land concession law. One company is only allowed to get hold of 10,000 hectares or less, so we have kept the land under each company at under 10,000 hectares,」 Mr Tan says.

儘管恆瑞、恆悅、恆農、瑞峰、嵐峰這5家公司的名字不同,但它們的高管承認,這些公司實際上全都是恆福糖業旗下公司。譚江夏(音譯)是恆福糖業在柬埔寨中部省份柏威夏省的種植園的代表。他解釋了公司是如何規避限制的。他說:「這與土地特許權法的一個條款有關。一家公司只被允許持有不超過1萬公頃的土地,因此我們讓每家公司持有不到1萬公頃的土地。」

A good friend to have  

中國的好朋友

Big investment deals have cemented Beijing』s relations with Phnom Penh, but they have also helped yield political dividends for China as it imposes claims to disputed areas in the South China Sea against opposition from the US and Southeast Asian rivals . With US destroyers sailing close to Chinese-built islands equipped with anti-ship missiles, the South China Sea has become one of the world』s most highly charged flashpoints.

大型投資協議不但鞏固了北京與金邊的關係,也幫助中國獲得了政治上的紅利。中國宣稱對南中國海上的爭議區域擁有主權。隨著美國驅逐艦靠近中國建造的裝備有反艦導彈的島嶼,南中國海成為全球最容易一觸即發的熱點區域之一。

As regional tensions have grown, so has Cambodia』s value to Beijing. Of particular use is Phnom Penh』s membership in Asean. Because Asean works by consensus, the objections of one member can thwart any group initiative.

隨著地區局勢日益緊張,柬埔寨對北京的價值日益上升。特別有用的是柬埔寨的東盟成員國身份。因為東盟採取全體成員國一致同意的決策機制,一個成員國的反對可以挫敗該集團的任何動議。

Cambodia used this effective veto to protect China in July. Asean was poised to issue an official statement mentioning an international tribunal』s ruling that there was no basis under UN law for China』s sweepingterritorial claims in the South China Sea. But after Cambodia objected, a watered-down final communique was issued with no mention of the tribunal』s ruling, making vague calls for peace instead.

今年7月,柬埔寨使用這種事實上的否決權保護了中國。當時東盟準備發布一項提及一家國際仲裁法庭裁決的官方聲明,該裁決稱,按照聯合國法規,中國在南中國海上的領土主張沒有法律基礎。但在柬埔寨反對之後,東盟最後發布的公告打了折扣,沒有提及仲裁法庭的裁決,而是空洞地呼籲和平。

China, which had pledged $600m in aid for Phnom Penh just days before the Asean meeting, reacted with gratitude and public delight. Wang Yi, the foreign minister, said in a statement thatBeijing 「highly appreciates」 Cambodia』s stand in the meeting, which history would show was 「correct」. A few days after the meeting, Beijing had another gesture for Phnom Penh, said it would build a $16m National Assembly hall in Phnom Penh.

在東盟峰會前幾天承諾向金邊提供6億美元援助的中國對此表示感謝,並公開表示高興。中國外交部長王毅在一份聲明中表示,北京「非常感謝」柬埔寨在此次會議上的立場,歷史會表明,這種立場是「正確的」。在東盟會議數天後,北京方面表示將在金邊建造1600萬美元的國民議會大廳。

「Since the ruling against China of the [international] tribunal in July, China has offered Cambodia $600m in aid and in return Cambodia has at least twice blocked Asean statements criticising China,」 said Murray Hiebert, Southeast Asia expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think-tank.

智庫國際戰略研究中心(Center for Strategic and International Studies)的東南亞問題專家默里•希伯特(Murray Hiebert)表示:「自今年7月(國際)仲裁庭作出對中國不利的裁決之後,中國向柬埔寨提供了6億美元的援助,作為回報,柬埔寨至少兩次阻止了東盟發布批評中國的聲明。」

「Cambodia gets a lot in return. It gets foreign aid, it gets debt forgiveness and for a government that is very dependent on foreign aid, it gets critical Chinese aid. And the Chinese don』t ask questions on human rights.」

「柬埔寨得到了很多回報。它獲得了外國援助,獲得了債務減免,而且對一個極度依賴外國援助的政府來說,它獲得了關鍵的中國援助。中國也沒有質疑其人權問題。」

Additional reporting by Tat Oudom

達•烏敦(Tat Oudom)補充報導

譯者/何黎

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